The Search for the Legacy of the USPHS Syphilis Study at Tuskegee is a collection of essays from experts in a variety of fields seeking to redefine the legacy of the infamous Tuskegee Syphilis Study. The essayists place the legacy of the study within the evolution of racial and ethnic relations in the United States. Contributors include two leading historians on the study, two former United States Surgeons General, and other prominent scholars from a wide range of fields.

Mitte Oktober 1518 befand sich Luther in Augsburg, um sich einem Verhör durch den päpstlichen Sondergesandten Kardinal Thomas Cajetan (1469-1534) zu stellen. Die Zusammenkunft fand am Rande des gerade in der Reichsstadt tagenden Reichstags statt. Mit größtem Einsatz versuchte Luther, Cajetan von seiner Argumentation zu überzeugen, der Dominikaner lehnte eine inhaltliche Auseinandersetzung allerdings ab. Die katholische Kirche verfolgte mit dem Verhör einzig das Ziel, Luther zum Widerruf seiner Thesen zu bewegen, worauf dieser wiederum nicht einging. Die Augsburger (...) Ereignisse fasste Luther für die Öffentlichkeit Ende 1518 in den "Acta Fratris Martini Lutheri Augustiniani apud D Legatum Apostolicum Augustae", kurz "Acta Augustana", protokollartig zusammen. In das Dokument fügte er zusätzlich noch ein ursprünglich geheimes Schreiben Papst Leos X. (1513-1521) an Kardinal Cajetan ein. In dem Breve ermächtigte das Oberhaupt der katholischen Kirche Cajetan dazu, Luther zu verhaften und nach Rom bringen zu lassen, falls dieser in Augsburg weiter gegen die päpstliche Lehre anreden und seine Ansichten nicht revidieren sollte. Luther erfuhr von dem Brief und verließ Augsburg deshalb sofort nach dem letzten Verhör am Abend des 20. Oktober. // Autor: Matthias Bader // Datum: 2016. (shrink)

This book updates and adds to the classic Social Movements of the Sixties and Seventies, showing how social movement theory has grown and changed.

Text to Tradition: The Naiṣadhīyacarita and Literary Community in South Asia. By Deven M. Patel. South Asia across the Disciplines. New York: Columbia University Press, 2014. Pp. xiv + 277. $50, £34.50.

Originally published in 1936 as part of the Cambridge Contact Readers series, this book contains an illustrated biography in German of Martin Luther. The text is accompanied by a vocabulary list at the end of the book, as well as the original and modern texts of 'Ein Feste Burg ist Unser Gott', Luther's most famous hymn. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in German education in Britain or the history of Protestantism.

This article develops an understanding of Luther which runs counter to the classic Roman Catholic image of him as zealotic iconoclast. In Luther's life these discourses mark the zenith of his influence and spiritual authority. The experience of the radical movement in Wittenberg decisively formed Luther's reforming activities; in the area of the reorganization of the Mass, where the safety of conscience and Christian liberty were involved, he became cautious and slowed the development rather than pushed it (...) forward. Furthermore, the pluralistic arrangements of the Lutheran orders of service are ultimately the unavoidable consequence of those theological principles as contained in this series of sermons. (shrink)

Als wir bei Sonnenuntergang gerade durch die Herde Nilpferde hindurchfuhren, stand urplötzlich, von mir nicht gesucht, das Wort »Ehrfurcht vor dem Leben« vor mir. Der Pfad im Dickicht war sichtbar geworden. Nun war ich zu der Idee vorgedrungen, in der Welt- und Lebensbejahung und Ethik miteinander enthalten sind. Albert Schweitzer Seit fast 100 Jahren steht der Name Albert Schweitzer für aktives humanitäres Engagement. Dank seiner Philosophie der »Ehrfurcht vor dem Leben«, die er gemeinsam mit seiner Frau Helene Bresslau im Urwaldhospital (...) in Lambarene verwirklichte, gehört er zu den am meisten bewunderten Menschen der Welt. Mit dreißig Jahren ein geachteter Theologe und gefeierter Interpret der Orgelwerke Johann Sebastian Bachs entschloss er sich, noch ein Medizinstudium zu absolvieren, um den Ärmsten der Armen zu helfen. Ernst Luther nähert sich diesem Humanisten mit philosophisch-kritischen Betrachtungen, ordnet dessen Leben und Werk in die Umbrüche seiner Zeit ein und resümiert, was von Schweitzers Gedankengut bewahrt werden sollte. Ernst Luther, Jg. 1932, Studium der Pädagogik, Geschichte/Germanistik, extern Philosophie, Gasthörer Medizin an der Universität Halle; Promotion Dr. phil. 1961 zur medizinischen Anthropologie Viktor von Weizsäckers an der Universität Greifswald; Dr. sc. phil. 1970 Universität Halle mit einer Arbeit über Ethik in der Medizin. Herausgeber und Mitautor zahlreicher Arbeiten zur Ethik in der Medizin. Mitglied im Albert-Schweitzer-Komitee e. V. Weimar, im Deutschen Hilfsverein für das Albert-Schweitzer-Spital Lambarene, Frankfurt a. M., in der Internationalen Albert-Schweitzer-Vereinigung. Von 2000 bis 2002 Mitglied der Enquete-Kommission des Deutschen Bundestages Recht und Ethik in der Medizin. Inhalt: Vorwort Albert Schweitzer - der friedlichen Menschheit zugehörig Das »Bergwerk der Ethik« Das Menschenbild aus Schweitzers philosophischer und religiöser Sicht Albert Schweitzer und Karl Marx Albert Schweitzers Gedanken zu Kultur und Ethik in den Weltreligionen Albert Schweitzer und die Ethik in der Medizin Ethik und Völkerfrieden Sozialethik gegen Kolonialpolitik und Rassenhass. (shrink)

"On the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s, assassination, his political thought remains underappreciated. Tommie Shelby and Brandon Terry, along with a cast of distinguished contributors, engage critically with King's understudied writings on a wide range of compelling, challenging topics and rethink the legacy of this towering figure."--Provided by publisher.

Andrews, Robert M A way of dealing with historical episodes, the consequences of which continue to challenge us, is to ask a counterfactual-a 'what if?' question. Martin Luther's life, his critique of the Catholic Church, his challenge to the social and political hegemony of European Catholicism, the resultant splintering of an ecclesial unity assumed by the medieval mind to be practically impenetrable, is one such historical episode. My counterfactual is as follows: What would have been the consequences to European (...) Catholicism had Luther not rebelled against the church? As this article will later discuss, Luther famously spent many hours in the confessional during his time as an Augustinian friar. Luther's superior, spiritual guide, and confessor, Johann von Staupitz -whose motto was 'I am yours, save me'-often assured Luther that his sins were forgiven, that Christ's work had been done, and that he consequently had no need to despair of the mercy of God. It was advice that Luther ultimately found unsatisfactory. 'I did not love, no, rather I hated the just God who punishes sinners', Luther famously said in 1545, reflecting on his time as a monk, articulating a conscience that found solace only outside of Roman communion. (shrink)

In this article the Reformer Martin Luther is to be situated against the backdrop of his medieval theological context – considering especially Bernard of Clairvaux. It is well-known that he held in great esteem Bernard and the theology he represented. First of all, Luther's relationship to Bernard is to be investigated by way of a historiographic review of the research that was done in the past 150 years. How did one consider Luther’s attitude toward Bernard, and how (...) did Luther research specifically value this attitude? In this research, denominational positions appear to have played a important role. Secondly, the attempt is made here to sketch Bernard’s place in Luther’s own tradition. Next to the medieval scholastic theology, there were diverse other influences that became important for the young Luther. Bernard’s specific place within the complexity of medieval traditions is to be determined. This is being explained by presenting seven significant texts mainly from Luther’s works, which are added to this article. Finally, the attempt is made to determine more closely Bernard’s place in Luther’s theology between Scholasticism and Mysticism. If one wants to do justice to Bernard in Luther's works, one must take into consideration the way in which Luther has perceived him, namely as a theologian of the Scriptures, a theologian of experience and a preacher of Christ par excellence along the lines of monastic theology. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 63.1 (2002) 63-82 [Access article in PDF] Faith, Philosophy, and the Nominalist Background to Luther's Defense of the Real Presence Thomas Osborne Recent scholarship has brought into question the traditional interpretation of Luther as being hostile towards philosophy. 1 Graham White claims that Luther holds a place in the history of logic as a member of the Nominalist tradition. 2 (...) Bruce D. Marshall argues that Luther and Thomas Aquinas fundamentally agree on the relationship between faith and reason. 3 Both scholars recognize that Luther himself stressed the importance of logic and used late medieval philosophical techniques. Although I agree with this scholarship that Luther's thought must not be understood in isolation from late medieval thought, I will argue that Luther uses philosophical ideas in a way which conflicts with that of the scholastic tradition. The focus here is on Luther's understanding of the relationship between faith and reason in the context of Luther's controversy over the Eucharist with the Swiss sacramentarians, among whom Zwingli and Oecolampadius were the most prominent. 4 Although Luther uses philosophical [End Page 63] distinctions to argue against what he thinks are misinterpretations of the Bible, he does not in any explicit and systematic way use philosophy to arrive at a theological understanding of the Eucharist. Luther differs from his scholastic predecessors in that he uses philosophy not to develop theological conclusions but only to attack errors about the Bible, and so the concern here is with Luther's use of Nominalist doctrines about presence in his attack on the sacra-mentarians' belief that Christ cannot be present both at the right hand of God and in the Eucharist at the same time.In his discussion of the Eucharistic doctrine which is presented in The Babylonian Captivity of the Church (1520), Luther not only argues against the Catholic doctrine of the Eucharistic sacrifice but also against transubstantiation. 5 Luther explicitly states that he was influenced on this issue by Peter D'Ailly, a Nominalist follower of William of Ockham. D'Ailly and other Nominalists thought that transubstantiation was not the only possible way that Christ could be present in the Eucharist, since if God wished he could also make Christ present along with the substance of the bread and wine. 6 From a Nominalist [End Page 64] perspective transubstantiation requires two actions of God, namely, the annihilation of the substance of the bread and the placement of Christ's body under the species. Therefore, consubstantiation would be a simpler account of Christ's Eucharistic presence. If Christ's body were present along with the substance of the bread annihilation would not have to occur. But D'Ailly and the Nominalists argue that we know from Church authority that the real presence occurs through transubstantiation. On this issue the Nominalists differ from Thomas Aquinas, who gives philosophically-based arguments against consubstantiation. 7 When Luther attacks Thomas, he attacks not so much the use of philosophy in theology as Thomas's philosophy: "But this opinion of Thomas hangs so completely in the air without support of Scripture or reason that it seems to me he knows neither his philosophy nor his dialectic." 8Since the Nominalist belief in transubstantiation rather than consubstantiation rests on an acceptance of Church authority, the rejection of such authority would seem to lead to a rejection of transubstantiation. If Luther had assented to traditional Nominalist theology with the sole exception of its reliance on Church authority, one would expect him to argue for the necessity of consubstantiation. However, Luther sees himself as rejecting an unnecessarily philosophical theology in a return to a more biblical faith. 9 Luther claims that he argues for a particular understanding of the Eucharistic presence but rather "that every one may feel at liberty to ponder, hold, and believe either one view or the other without endangering his salvation." 10 Although Luther's training in Nominalist theology leads him to think that consubstantiation is possible, he at no point argues that a belief... (shrink)

복합적 주제 “관용과 무관용”에 대한 담론 과정은 동시에 현대 한국의 다문화와 함께 하는 철학함이다. 관용은 이미 언어적으로 복합개념이요, 역사적 변천에 따라 중복된 문제영역에 걸쳐 있다. 종교개혁을 전후 한 시기에도 “[관용의] 개념사는... 문제사에서 초래된다”는 법칙이 그대로 적용된다. 현대 인류가 직면한 갈등과 긴장 역시 나름의 진리를 주장하기 위한 모든 새로운 대결 양상과 다양한 법률적 태도, 상이한 종교적 실천방식 그리고 극명한 차이를 가진 생활방식들을 드러내는 동시에 결국 다음과 같은 물음을 촉발한다. 1] 관용이란 무엇인가? 2] 관용은 어디에 필요한가? 3] 관용의 한계는 어디까지여야 하는가? 서양사에서 (...) 관용과 종교의 자유는 밀접한 관계에 있으면서도 다음과 같이 구분된다. 즉 관용은 종교의 자유를 베풀고 이끌어내는 한편, 종교의 자유는 다원적 공동체에 기여하는 가운데 관용과 무관용의 관점에 대해 늘 거듭하여 논쟁하고 일치를 지향할 수 있도록 영향을 끼친다. 이러한 모든 관점들은 “관용” 개념과 나란히 결합되어 인간의 삶과 일상언어 속에 생동하고 있다. 인본주의 시대에 에라스무스는 종교적 관용을 위해 주목할 만한 성과를 남긴다. 그는 현대에 이르러 “평화와 관용의 선구자”로 알려져 있기 때문이다. 그렇다면 그는 “관용” 개념을 어떻게 이해했는가? 에라스무스는 단순히 관용이나 평화를 주장하는 것이 아니다. 그가 제시하는 관용은 “일치”를 위한 신학적 조건이며, “일치”는 종교적 결단에 대한 관용의 의무를 지고 있다. 그가 관용을 그리스도교 공동체적 삶의 원리로 승화시키는 것은 “일치”에 대한 자신의 신학적 이해로부터 도출한 것이다. 따라서 에라스무스의 일치는 서로 다른 것이 같은 유형이 되는 것이 아니라 서로 다른 이들의 상호 “관용”을 내포한다. 종교개혁기의 마르틴 루터는 “tolerantia”를 독일어 “Toleranz”로 번역한다. 그의 독일어 개념 “Toleranz”는 당시 종교개혁에 따른 갈등에 대해 “관용”을 요청하는 대명사가 된다. 그는 “Toleranz”에서 무엇을 이해하였는가? 그는 종교개혁을 시작하고 나름대로 성공시킨 자로서 사랑의 의무와 신앙의 진리 사이에 확고한 긴장을 설정한다. 이에 따라 루터는 사랑의 관용과 신앙의 무관용을 극단적으로 대립시킨다. 에라스무스는 이질적 인종과 신앙에 대해서는 관용을, 엄중한 신앙문제에는 비공개라는 무관용을 견지했다. 이와는 달이 루터는 사랑의 관용과 신앙문제의 공개를 통한 모든 이성에 관용을, 그러나 신앙과 현실적 농민반란에 대해 무관용을 천명하였다. 이러한 차이와 충돌을 통해 관용 개념의 역사는 현대의 다문화사회를 위한 첨예한 관점과 동시에 소통의 실마리를 제공할 것이다. (shrink)

Disputations were a fixture of Martin Luther’s academic career. Luther participated regularly in disputations. It was an important communicative vehicle through which he developed and expressed his theology. The well-known 95 theses are a case in point. Luther’s career as a disputator was impressive. Several of his most influential disputations were explicitly intended for consideration by his academic and ecclesiastical colleagues, but the majority of his disputations took place as a curricular exercise at the University of Wittenberg. (...) The purpose of these disputations was pedagogical and polemical. Luther deployed the same tools for his defence of proper doctrine that were at the centre of the Protestant reformation in the face of objections. The disputatio de homine is a systematic summary of Luther’s anthropology. It incorporates the doctrine of justification as the theological definition of man. It treats the subject within the context of the relationship between theology and philosophy, and reflects upon the new language of theology. The disputatio de homine provides an essential resource for the study of Luther’s anthropology and the doctrine of justification. (shrink)

It is a well-known fact that the reformer Martin Luther highly esteemed Bernhard of Clairvaux. But what exactly was the significance of Bernhard for him? During the last years some Luther scholars became highly interested in the theological and historical relations between these two remarkable theologians. Recently Franz Posset published an article on this subject in Luther Jahrbuch. He discusses Bernhard of Clairvaux's Sermons of Christmas-time, Lent- and Easter-time as a source for Martin Luther. Theo Bell (...) contributes to this discussion firstly by examining some of the references, which are given by Posset. Did Luther refer to the Bernards second Easter sermon indeed? Was he not familiar at all with his Lenten sermons on Ps. 90? Secondly he argues, that Posset's statement, that Luther is a Bernardus redivivus, is a questionable one. Finally: the main question to the relation Luther-Bernard no longer is: did Luther read Bernard's writings and which ones did he explicitely know, but how did he read and understand them from his sixteenth century point of view? This reception problem should get the proper attention it deserves. (shrink)

l. There is an antinomy in Hare's thought between Ought-Implies-Can and No-Indicatives-from-Imperatives. It cannot be resolved by drawing a distinction between implication and entailment. 2. Luther resolved this antinomy in the l6th century, but to understand his solution, we need to understand his problem. He thought the necessity of Divine foreknowledge removed contingency from human acts, thus making it impossible for sinners to do otherwise than sin. 3. Erasmus objected (on behalf of Free Will) that this violates Ought-Implies-Can which (...) he supported with Hare-style ordinary language arguments. 4. Luther a) pointed out the antinomy and b) resolved it by undermining the prescriptivist arguments for Ought-Implies-Can. 5. We can reinforce Luther's argument with an example due to David Lewis. 6. Whatever its merits as a moral principle, Ought-Implies-Can is not a logical truth and should not be included in deontic logics. Most deontic logics, and maybe the discipline itself, should therefore be abandoned. 7. Could it be that Ought-Conversationally-Implies-Can? Yes - in some contexts. But a) even if these contexts are central to the evolution of Ought, the implication is not built into the semantics of the word; b) nor is the parallel implication built into the semantics of orders; and c) in some cases Ought conversationally implies Can, only because Ought-Implies-Can is a background moral belief. d) Points a) and b) suggest a criticism of prescriptivism - that Oughts do not entail imperatives but that the relation is one of conversational implicature. 8. If Ought-Implies-Can is treated as a moral principle, Erasmus' argument for Free Will can be revived (given his Christian assumptions). But it does not 'prove' Pelagianism as Luther supposed. A semi-Pelagian alternative is available. (shrink)

The present "Studienausgabe" is the fruit of over 40 years of labor on Paracelus [[sic]]. While Sudhoff's monumental edition continued by K. Goldhammer is intended to serve the specialist, Peuckert's aim is simply to make Paracelsus accessible to the philosopher and to the historian of ideas. Like Luther's, Paracelus's [[sic]] German is hardly comprehensible today; hence the editor had to "rewrite" it. The result is sound and easily understandable German. This welcome "vulgarization" should, however, have been compensated by notes: (...) as a matter of fact there are no critical or commenting notes in any of the volumes published as of now. We are promised a glossary at the end of the fifth volume, but even this will not mend the edition's essential shortcoming: a complete lack of any kind of scholarly apparatus. The first two volumes contain the major "medical" writings in chronological order. These earlier texts witness Paracelsus's emancipation from the ballast of medieval science: Galen, Avicenna, etc., and a significant turn towards a new conception of natural science in which speculation and experience are intimately interwoven. In the first volume there are several writings on Alchemy, among them the short treatise on the Three First Principles which was so heavily to influence the "pansophy" of the seventeenth century and even the great mystic of Görlitz, Jacob Boehme. The second volume contains the mature medical texts including the "Opus Paramirum," this herald of later bio-chemical thought. Obviously the real interest of the so-called medical texts lies in their speculative elements and they should be read together with the philosophical texts, making up the third volume. This third volume is rightly centered around the monumental "Philosophia Sagax," the major work of Paracelsus. This is the treatise whose influence reached far beyond the twilight of pansophy until the early and late Goethe and Romantic philosophy. Better than any other, this text demonstrates the uninterrupted continuity of German speculation throughout three centuries. If the resolution of the remaining two unpublished volumes turns out to be as fortunate as those reviewed here, these well-printed books should find their way to the shelves of any library, private or public, orientated towards the study of German philosophical thought.—M. J. V. (shrink)

_The purpose_ of this study is the reflection on ways of philosophical legitimation for the "Self-made-man" idea in the worldview of the Renaissance and Reformation. _Theoretical basis._ Historical, comparative, and hermeneutic methods became the basis for this. The study is based on the works of Nicholas of Cusa, G. Pico della Mirandola, N. Machiavelli, M. Montaigne, E. Roterodamus, M. Luther, J. Calvin together with modern researchers of this period. _Originality._ The analysis allows us to come to the conclusion that (...) casts doubt on the still widespread belief according to which the emergence of the "Self-made-man" idea is localized by the process of forming the American cultural code and the ideological heritage of Benjamin Franklin. It is highlighted that the formation of this idea is the result of a long process that originated in the ancient world and gains a special impetus in the Renaissance and Reformation. Precisely in the cultural context of the latter, the ancient intention to recognize the individual’s right to self-determination and self-government, which in the depths of Christian theology acquires only a potentially universal character, becomes not only acceptable but also, in the context of Protestantism worldview, the only admissible, in fact, individual’s obligatory life guidelines. _Conclusions._ Humanistic and reformation thoughts quite naturally led to further ideological legitimation of the person’s idea of who is creating oneself. This legitimation was during the complex interaction of numerous factors of culture in the Late Middle Ages, as well as ideas and intentions inherited from Antiquity. Key among them was the gradual formation of a new social order, in essence, indifferent to paternalistic rudiments, together with the ethics of Protestantism corresponding to it. The latter does not only legalize but, de facto, sacralizes the individual’s reorientation from hopes for the synergy of God’s grace and own free will in personal salvation, toward the self-reliance and personal efforts, awareness of personal responsibility for the own fate as key principles of the "Self-made-man" concept. (shrink)

Onderwerp en gezegde, door D. M. Bakker.--Enkele opmerkingen over het Godsbegrip van Justinus Martyr, door J. den Boeft.--Heidegger, Descartes, Luther, door J. van der Hoeven.--"Geschichtlichkeit" bij Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker, door G. Horsman.--Menselijke ontmaskering en Bijbels démasqué , door R. Huson.--Kleine geschiedenis van het begrip "niets" in de antieke wijsbegeerte (tot e met de Sofisten en Plato), door P. A. Meijer.--De structuur van opvoeden en opvoedkunde, door J. W. Mojet.--Individualiteit in de fysica, door M. (...) D. Stafleu. (shrink)